Richard Henry Lee

6th President of the United States
in Congress Assembled
November 30, 1784 to November 23, 1785

Richard Henry Lee was born in Stratford, Westmoreland County, Virginia on January 20th, 1732 and died in Chantilly, Virginia on June 19th, 1794. He was the third son of a Thomas Lee, the "empire builder," who as the 5th son of Richard Lee "the emigrant", the largest Virginia landowner at the time of his death in 1640, received a modest inheritance. Thomas Lee, Richard Henry Lee's father, nonetheless managed to acquire real estate holdings far beyond Lee "the emigrant" and at the time of his death in 1750 amassed some 30,000 acres in the Northern Neck of Virginia. The greater part of Thomas Lee's massive estate, including the family homestead called Stratford, went to the eldest son, Philip Ludwell Lee. Only the first four of Thomas Lee's six surviving sons, which included Richard Henry Lee, were left modest landed estates.

At an early age Richard Henry Lee was sent over to England for schooling at the academy of Wakefield in Yorkshire. The personal wealth and status of his family enabled Lee to choose any profession, including philanthropist. In 1752 he returned to Virginia and without any plans for a professional practice applied himself with great diligence to the study of law. Both English and Roman law occupied his attention; he was also an earnest student of history. As a young adult, Richard Henry Lee decided to rent out many of his inherited slaves as well as his inherited lands hoping to support his family on the proceeds while devoting his professional efforts to politics.

In 1757 he was appointed justice of the peace for Westmoreland County. In 1761 he was elected to the Virginia House of Burgesses, of which he remained a delegate until 1788. Extreme shyness prevented his taking any part in the debates for some time. His first speech was on a motion:

"to lay so heavy a duty on the importation of slaves as effectually to put an end to that iniquitous and disgraceful traffic within the colony of Virginia."

On this occasion his hatred of slavery overcame his timidity and he made a powerful speech containing the proofs of the principal arguments used in by the northern Abolitionists through the 1860's. Lee had no profession beyond his public service. Like Samuel Adams, he was a professional politician. In times of need, especially when the real estate market declined after the French and Indian War, he could see no other way to provide for his family except through seeking lucrative appointive governmental offices. In 1764, Lee even requested the post of Virginia Stamp Collector in a particularly embarrassing life episode. It was actually Lee's repeated failure to win Crown appointments that reinforced his and Arthur Lee's perception that the British regime only distributed offices to buy or reward sycophant colonialists. His perceptions quickly evolved into convictions that the colonial side of "virtue against the forces of corruption" was just cause early in the Anglo-American conflict.

He was an energetic opponent of the Stamp-Act, and in 1765 formed an association of citizens of Westmoreland County for the purpose of deterring all persons from undertaking to sell stamped paper. A Tory gentleman in the neighborhood accepted the office of Stamp-Collector and boasted that he would enforce the use of stamped paper upon the people in spite of all resistance. Mr. Lee, being then captain of a Volunteer Company of Light Horse, at once went with his men to this gentleman's house and made him deliver up his commission as collector and all the stamped paper in his possession. He also insisted the former collector bind himself by oath never again to meddle with such matters. The Stamp-Collector Commission and the incriminating papers were then burned in a bonfire on the lawn. It was a ceremonial fire overseen by Richard Henry Lee, who desperately sought the office only two years earlier.

At the news of the Townshend Acts of 1767, Mr. Lee moved a petition to the king in the House of Burgesses, setting forth in pointed terms the grievances of the colonies. In July 1768, he wrote a letter to John Dickinson, suggesting that all the colonies should appoint select committees "for mutual information and correspondence between the lovers of liberty in every province." The suggestion was in harmony with the views of the famous "circular letter" of the Massachusetts assembly, written by Samuel Adams and lately sent forth to all the colonies.

There has been some discussion as to whether Adams or Lee is to be credited with the first suggestion of those remarkable "committees of correspondence" which organized the American Revolution. The earliest suggestion of such a step, however, is to be found in a letter from the great Boston preacher, Jonathan Mayhew, to James Otis, in June, 1766. The letter mentioned above from Lee to Dickinson seems to have come next in point of date, and at the same time Christopher Gadsden appears to have received from Lee a letter of similar purport.

Mr. Lee may or may not nave heard of Mayhew's suggestion. The idea was one that might naturally have occurred to several of these eminent men independently. The machinery of committees of correspondence was, however, first set in motion by Samuel Adams between the towns of Massachusetts in 1772. The project of inter-colonial committees was first put into practical shape by the Virginia house of burgesses in the spring of 1773, on motion of the youthful Dabney Cart, brother-in-law of Thomas Jefferson.

In 1769 as a member of the House of Burgess Richard Henry Lee introduced a tax on imported slaves seeking to begin the necessary impediments to end the inhumane trade. His critics, however, were quick to point out that his bill was self serving as if the importation of slaves ended the value of those he already owned and leased would be driven up in the more restricted labor market. Despite this Lee continued to condemn slavery itself. The institution he claimed harmed innocent Africans who he described as "fellow creatures created as ourselves and equally entitled to liberty and freedom by the great Law of Nature."

Mr. Lee was a member of the Virginia committee and about this time he wrote to Samuel Adams a letter, which was the beginning of the lifelong friendship between the two great leaders. In August 1774, Mr. Lee was chosen as a delegate to the First Continental Congress just about to assemble at Philadelphia. He was a member of the committees for stating the rights of the colonies, for enforcing commercial non-intercourse with Great Britain, and for preparing suitable addresses to the king and to the colonies - Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Georgia, and the then Floridas - that had not sent delegates to the congress.

In the second Congress Lee drew up the address to the people of Great Britain, which along with a last petition to the king, was carried over to London by Richard Penn in August 1775. About this time Mr. Lee was chosen lieutenant of Westmoreland County, an office which, after the analogy of the lord-lieutenancy of a county in England, gave him command of the militia; hence he is often addressed or described, in writings of the time, as "Colonel Lee."

For more than a year he openly and warmly advocated a declaration of independence. After the May 17, 1776 Virginia Convention instructed its delegates in congress to propose such a measure, it was Lee who took the foremost part. On June 7th, 1776 he moved

``Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.'' .

Richard Henry Lee's Resolution
Courtesy of the National Archives

John Adams seconded the motion. Congress deferred action for three weeks, in order that more definite instructions might be received from the middle colonies. In an uncanny twist of fate Mr. Lee was called home by the illness of his wife. It was at this time that Thomas Jefferson was appointed in his place as chairman of the committee for preparing a draft of the proposed Declaration of Independence. For the same reason, the task of defending the motion, when taken up for discussion, fell mainly upon John Adams, who had seconded it.

John Adams was successful in defending Mr. Lee's motion, and on July 2, 1776, the United Colonies of America officially became the United States of America. It was July 2, 1776 that John Adams thought would be celebrated by future generations of Americans.

The Second Day of July 1776 will be the most memorable Epocha, in the History of America. . . . It ought to be solemnized with Pomp and Parade, with Shews, Games,Sports, Guns, Bells, Bonfires, and Illuminations from one End of this Continent to the other from this Time forward forever more." -- John Adams to Abigail Adams, July 3, 1776

Thomas Jefferson went on to author the formal Declaration of Independence, which was passed by Congress on July 4, 1776, immortalizing the young delegate forever. During the next four years Mr. Lee served on more than a hundred committees. Richard Henry Lee only had one drive, full speed ahead and his pace as Congressional Delegate resulted in failing health on several occasions forcing Lee to return to Virginia to recuperate. From 1780 until 1782 he did not take his seat in Congress because the affairs of Virginia required his leadership and good work in the state assembly. During this period of the Revolutionary War the British Army controlled the ports and key cities in Georgia and the Carolinas. In 1781 Cornwallis overwhelmed Southern Virginia while Benedict Arnold burned Richmond. Additionally in the Virginia two questions of great importance were being debated in the legislature. The first related to the propriety of making a depreciated paper currency, the U.S. Continental, legal tender for debts. The second was a resolution to disclaim all debts to British merchants contracted by citizens of Virginia before the beginning of the war. In these debates Richard Henry Lee took a strong position against paper money, and he vehemently condemned the repudiation of debts, declaring that it were better to be "the honest slaves of Great Britain than to become dishonest freemen."

As Colonel of the Westmoreland Militia his troops secured key ports, one a Stratford Springs, along the Potomac River aiding the Continental Army in their mission to keep the trade routes open to Virginia. He was successful and soon Washington won a sweeping Victory at Yorktown. During the negotiations of the subsequent Treaty of Paris Lee remained very active in the Virginia assembly. He successfully led the effort to establishing sound methods of funding Virginia's public debt and providing for the revival of public credit. These Herculean accomplishments did not go unnoticed by his colleagues in the Unites States in Congress Assembled as the Definitive Treaty of Peace with Great Britain exacted a heavy monetary measure from the United States restoring Tory land holdings and repaying British merchants for goods used and seized during the Revolutionary War. The citizens and government of the United States were dire financial circumstances as the debt was staggering and the Continental Currency had collapsed. In the hopes that Mr. Lee could duplicate his financial success managing Virginia's debt at a national level, the Delegates elected him President of the United States in Congress Assembled on November 30, 1784 with the following resolution:

The committee, to whom were referred the credentials produced by the delegates from the states of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, report, "That they have carefully examined the credentials to them referred, and are of opinion, that the honorable Samuel Holten and George Partridge, of the State of Massachusetts; the honorable David Howell, of the State of Rhode Island; the honorable William Churchill Houston and John Beatty, of the State of New Jersey; the honorable Joseph Gardner and William Henry, of Lancaster, of the State of Pennsylvania; the honorable Samuel Hardy, James Monroe and Richard Henry Lee, of the State of Virginia; the honorable Hugh Williamson and Richard Dobbs Spaight, of the State of North Carolina; the honorable Jacob Read, John Bull and Charles Pinckney, of the State of South Carolina; and the honorable William Houstoun and William Gibbons, of the State of Georgia, appear to be clearly and indisputably entitled to their seats, are authorized to sit and vote in the present Congress of the United States. Eight states being assembled, the United States in Congress assembled, proceeded to the election of a President, and, the ballots being taken, the honorable Richard Henry Lee was elected.

The Liberal Adams-Lee faction had finally come into power and even the most staunch conservatives prayed that Richard Henry Lee would lead the country onto a path of prosperity.

Richard Henry Lee's Presidency was a busy one, attending to the needs of the new nation. Lee's candor and straightforwardness bore few secrets. In a November 18, 1784 letter to Samuel Adams he wrote, "I shall be extremely happy to be aided by your counsels during my residence in Congress." Richard Henry Lee's letters are abundant and well published. From these letters we know the new President favored low taxes by funding the debt with foreign loans. Lee reviled taxes and Congress' willingness to tax the citizens at a Federal level. Lee wrote to Samuel Adams on March 14, 1785

But I can never agree that this Body shall dictate the mode of Taxation, or the collection shall in any manner be subject to Congressional control.

Richard Henry Lee's presidency began not in Philadelphia but in Trenton, New Jersey which was the temporary capital of the United States. Since the mutiny of 1783 in Philadelphia, where U. S. soldiers held the Federal Government hostage in Independence Hall, the capital wandered first to Princeton under President Boudinot, then to Annapolis under President Mifflin and now, in 1784, to site in the heart of George Washington's Hessian Victory at Trenton.

President Richard Henry Lee was a strong believer in Federal supported Christianity and utilized his office to purport his belief that God should be an intricate part of U.S. legislation., Lee writes, as President, in this letter to James Madison that "refiners may weave as fine a web of reason as they please, but the experience of all times shows religion to be the guardian of morals." Although Lee understood the importance of instructing the men in history and the classics, he believed the Federal Government should also educate the citizenry in Christian Theology. Lee continues in his letter to Madison:

And he must be a very inattentive observer in our Country, who does not see that avarice is accomplishing the destruction of religion, for want of a legal obligation to contribute something to its support. The declaration of Rights, it seems to me, rather contends against forcing modes of faith and forms of worship, than against compelling contribution for the support of religion in general. I fully agree with the presbyterians, that true freedom embraces the Mahomitan and the Gentoo as well as the Xn religion. And upon this liberal ground I hope our Assembly will conduct themselves.

November 26th, 1785 Letter from Richard Henry Lee to James Madison - Courtesy of the Library of Congress

Lee Continues in his letter to Madison this time turning to the need for revenue laws and note that require the payment of interest but "slowly sink the principal:"

I believe there is no doubt but that the population of our country depends eminently upon our Revenue laws, they therefore, demand intense consideration. It is natural for men to fly from oppression to ease, and whilst our taxes are extremely heavy, and North Carolina & Georgia pay little or no tax, it is not to be wonderd that so many of our people flock to these States & unfortunately they are carrying to Georgia & South Carolina the Cultivation of Tobacco.

I do not mean by this, that we should suffer ill example to prevent us from honorably and punctually paying our debts. But I think that we may fairly practise here, as other Nations the most honest do---;I mean, exactly to pay the interest, and slowly to sink the principal. An attempt to do the latter too suddenly, will ruin, by depopulating, the country. The only mode appears to be, a funding of the whole debt, so as certainly to pay the interest, and slowly the principal. Cannot a sinking fund be brought to bear upon the latter, by throwing all overflowings of taxes into a Reservoir for gathering interest upon interest? I suppose that at all events, the facilities offerd by Congress in their Act of the 28th of April last will be among the amendments to the Revenue law this Session.

November 26th, 1785 Letter from Richard Henry Lee to James Madison - Courtesy of the Library of Congress

The people have certainly sufferd much hitherto by not knowing in season what taxes are lawfully demandable from them. For want of this information, numbers are compelled to submit to the extortion and abuses of Collectors. The Treasurer used formerly to publish annually in the papers what were to be the Taxes of the year, and this practise was then very useful. But at present, the dispersion of newspapers is so uncertain, that information thro that channel would reach but few. A Statement from the Treasury printed in the way of Handbills, to be put up at the Court Houses & churches, might perhaps furnish the requisite information, & save the people from extensive abuse. I am very happy to know, for the honor of our country, that there is a probability of the impeding laws being again taken under deliberation. What I wrote to you in my last upon this subject, is a most serious consideration, and the inclosed paragraphs, taken from a late paper, will shew you how quickly the fame of our proceedings travels, and the effect likely to be produced upon our Commerce!

By the 5th article of the Confederation, the annual meeting of Congress is to be on the first Monday in November, and by our Act establishing one yearly meeting of the Assembly on the third Monday in October; you will see Sir, that there is very little probability of Virginia being represented in Congress for some time after its federal day of meeting. So that it becomes necessary to consider this matter. I suppose that either the Assemblies time of meeting must be altered, or the Delegates for the ensuing federal year be chosen this present Session.(2) We have not yet made a Congress but we have some reason to expect eight States on Monday next. I understand that Spain means to insist upon the exclusive navigation of the Mississippi, which will render the exploring our western waters of the greater importance.

I am dear Sir, with great esteem and regard Your most obedient and very humble servant, Richard Henry Lee

November 26th, 1785 Letter from Richard Henry Lee to James Madison - Courtesy of the Library of Congress

P.S. If the election of Counsellors is not over, may I be permitted to suggest what I realy believe will improve and fortify the counsels of that Board. It is, that Major Gen. Gates be appointed a Member of it. He has a pretty good estate in Berkeley, is a single Man & therefore not withheld from due attendance by domestic considerations. But above all, he is a Man of great worth, solid judgement, and sound attachments to America. A propos---;It is by many here suggested as a very necessary Step for Congress to take---;The calling upon the States to form a Convention for the Sole purpose of revising the Confederation so far as to enable Congress to execute with more energy, effect, & vigor the powers assigned it, than it appears by experience that they can do under the present state of things. It has been observed, why do not Congress recommend the necessary alterations to the States as is proposed in the Confederation? The friends to Convention answer---;It has been already done in some instances, but in vain. It is proposed to let Congress go on in the mean time as usual. I shall be glad of your opinion on this point, it being a very important one.

R . H. Lee

November 26th, 1785 Letter from Richard Henry Lee to James Madison - Courtesy of the Library of Congress

On December 8th newly elected President Lee and the Congress began the judicial work of appointing judges for yet another border dispute, this time between New York and Massachusetts. On December 11th Richard Henry Lee took the time as President to officially write fellow revolutionary Marquis de Lafayette, who played a central role in saving Virginia from the British in 1781, the following letter:

I have the honor to enclose you a letter for the Minister plenipotentiary of the United States, at the court of his most Christian Majesty, which covers a letter to our great and good Ally, a copy of which I have also the pleasure to enclose for your satisfaction. I assure you my dear friend that I feel myself singularly happy in observing the unanimous disposition that prevails in Congress to promote your glory, for I do most sincerely wish you every felicity that this world can afford...

In August 1784, the Marquis had arrived in America to renew acquaintances and rekindle wartime memories. His grand tour took him to New York, Philadelphia, Mount Vernon, Albany, Boston, Richmond, Annapolis, and Trenton. By December Lafayette had returned to New York to sail for France and upon receiving this announcement Congress appointed a special committee of one member from each state to receive him. Lafayette was a true friend, ally and hero to the citizens of the United States. He was especially revered by Richard Henry Lee and his fellow Virginians. Lafayette would return one last time in the 1820's to make another, much more robust tour of the United States and accept two copies of the Wet Ink Transfer of the Declaration of Independence by fellow Revolutionary War Veteran and President of the United States James Monroe.

Richard Henry Lee, like the other Presidents was beleaguered by the new Nation's lack of capital. Congress and Lee, however, were determined to expertly manage the demands of an ever shrinking federal pool of assets. Providing for a standing Army at key forts and ports while at peace became especially burdensome to the treasury. On December 13th Richard Henry Lee received a letter from William Duer who had explained that his contract for provisioning the troops at West Point would expire at the end of December, and "As it is probable (from the present State of the Finance Department) that congress may not be able to take timely Measures for Continuing the Supply."

Duer stated he was prepared to continue under the contract through January and requested instructions. Congress, under President Lee, was already aware of this situation as Major John Doughty the Commander of West Point, had already written about his plight. In a lengthy letter he explained that there were no treasury commissioners or war office officials available to address the needs of the troops at West Point. The United States in Congress Assembled had quickly authorized the extension of Duer's contract through February, by terms of the December 11th resolves Lee enclosed with this letter.

Your letter of the 10th Inst. was this day received and laid before Congress; no immediate Order was taken upon it. If I may be permitted a conjecture, I would suppose that the enclosed resolve upon the subject of your letter was considered as the sense of Congress on that point; should this not correspond with your idea, you will please to signify your opinion upon that point in a subsequent letter.

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