Alexander Hamilton (January 11, 1755 or 1757 – July 12, 1804) was the
first Secretary of the Treasury, a Founding Father, economist, and political
philosopher. He led calls for the Philadelphia Convention, was one of America's
first Constitutional lawyers, and cowrote the Federalist Papers, a primary
source for Constitutional interpretation.Alexander Hamilton (January 11, 1755 or
1757 – July 12, 1804) was the first Secretary of the Treasury, a Founding
Father, economist, and political philosopher. He led calls for the Philadelphia
Convention, was one of America's first Constitutional lawyers, and cowrote the
Federalist Papers, a primary source for Constitutional interpretation.
Alexander Hamilton
First Secretary of the Treasury
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ALEXANDER HAMILTON
was born a British subject on the island of Nevis in the West Indies on January
11, 1755. His father was James Hamilton, a Scottish merchant of St. Christopher.
Hamilton's mother was Rachael Fawcette Levine, of French Huguenot descent. When
Rachael was very young, she had married a Danish proprietor of St. Croix named
John Michael Levine. Ms. Levine left her husband and was later divorced from him
on June 25, 1759. Under the Danish law which had granted her divorce, she was
forbidden from remarrying. Thus, Hamilton's birth was illegitimate.
Business
failures resulted the bankruptcy of his father and with the death of his mother,
Alexander entered the counting house of Nicholas Cruger and David Beekman,
serving as a clerk and apprentice at the age of twelve. By the age of fifteen,
Alexander was left in charge of the business. Opportunities for regular
schooling were very limited. With the aid of funds advanced by friends, Hamilton
studied at a grammar school in Elizabethtown, New Jersey. In 1774, he graduated
and entered King's College (now Columbia University) in New York City and
obtained a bachelor's of arts degree in just one year.
The War of
Independence had began and at a mass meeting held in the fields in New York City
on July 6, 1774, Hamilton made a sensational speech attacking British policies.
Hamilton's military aspirations flowered with a series of early
accomplishments. On March 14, 1776, he was commissioned captain of a company of
artillery set up by the New York Providential Congress. Hamilton's company
participated at the Battle of Long Island in August of 1776. At White Plains, in
October of 1776, his battery guarded Chatterton's Hill and protected the
withdrawal of William Smallwood's militia. On January 3, 1777, Hamilton's
military reputation won the interest of General Nathaniel Greene. General Greene
introduced the young Captain to General Washington with a recommendation for
advancement. Washington made Hamilton his aide-de-camp and personal secretary
with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. He served four years as Washington's
personal secretary and confidential aide. Longing for active military service,
he resigned from Washington's staff after a dispute with the general, but
remained in the army. At the Battle of Monmouth (June 28, 1778), Hamilton again
proved his bravery and leadership and he also won laurels at Yorktown (Sept. –
Oct. 1781), where he led the American column in a final assault in the British
works.
Hamilton married
Elizabeth, the daughter of General Philip Schuyler on December 14, 1780. The
Schuylers were one of the most distinguished families in New York. This
connection placed Hamilton in the center of New York society. In 1782, he was
admitted to legal practice in New York and became an assistant to Robert Morris
who was then superintendent of finance.
Hamilton was
elected a member of the Continental Congress in 1782. He at once became a
leading proponent of a stronger national government than what had been provided
for by the Articles of Confederation. As a New York delegate to the
Constitutional Convention of 1787, he advocated a national government that would
have virtually abolished the states and even called for a president for life to
provide energetic leadership. Hamilton left the convention at the end of June,
but he did approve the Constitution subsequently drafted by his colleagues as
preferable to the Articles of Confederation, although it was not as strong as he
wished. Hamilton used his talents to secure the adoption of the Constitution and
published a letter in the Constitution's defense. This letter was published in
the New York Independent Journal on Oct. 2, 1787
Hamilton was one
of three authors of The Federalist. This work remains a classic commentary on
American constitutional law and the principals of government. Its inception and
approximately three-quarters of the work are attributable to Hamilton (the rest
belonging to John Jay and James Madison). Hamilton also won the New York
ratification convention vote for the Constitution against great odds in July
17-July 26, 1788.
During Washington's presidency, Hamilton became the first secretary of the
Treasury. Holding this office from September 11, 1789 to January 31, 1795, he
proved himself a brilliant administrator in organizing the Treasury. In 1790
Hamilton submitted to Congress a report on the public credit that provided for
the funding of national and foreign debts of the United States, as well as for
federal assumption of the states' revolutionary debts. After some controversy,
the proposals were adopted, as were his subsequent reports calling for the
establishment of a national bank. He is chiefly responsible for establishing the
credit of the United States, both at home and abroad. In foreign affairs his
role was almost as influential. He persuaded Washington to adopt a policy of
neutrality after the outbreak of war in Europe in 1793, and in 1794 he wrote the
instructions for the diplomatic mission to London that resulted in the
Anglo-American agreement known as Jay's Treaty. Hamilton also became the
esteemed leader of one of the two great political parties of the time.
After the death
of George Washington, the leadership of the Federalist Party became divided
between John Adams and Hamilton. John Adams had the prestige from his varied and
great career and from his great strength with the people. Conversely, Hamilton
controlled practically all of the leaders of lesser rank and the greater part of
the most distinguished men in the country.
Hamilton, by
himself, was not a leader for the population. After Adams became President,
Hamilton constantly advised the members of the cabinet and endeavored to control
Adams's policy. On the eve of the presidential election of 1800, Hamilton wrote
a bitter personal attack on the president that contained confidential cabinet
information. Although this pamphlet was intended for private circulation, the
document was secured and published by Aaron Burr, Hamilton's political and legal
rival. Based on his opinion of Burr, Hamilton deemed it his patriotic duty to
thwart Burr's ambitions. Burr forced a quarrel and subsequently challenged
Hamilton to a duel. The duel was fought at Weehawken on the New Jersey shore of
the Hudson River opposite New York City. At forty-nine, Hamilton was shot, fell
mortally wounded, and died the following day, July 12, 1804. It is unanimously
reported that Hamilton himself did not intend to fire, his pistol going off
involuntarily as he fell. Hamilton was apparently opposed to dueling following
the fatal shooting of his son Philip in a duel in 1801. Further, Hamilton told
the minister who attended him as he laid dying, "I have no ill-will against Col.
Burr. I met him with a fixed resolution to do him no harm. I forgive all that
happened." His death was very generally deplored as a national calamity.
Apart from his
contributions to The Federalist and his reorganization of the United States
financial system in the 1790's Hamilton is best remembered for his consistent
emphasis on the need for a strong central government. His advocacy of the
doctrine of "implied powers" to advance a broad interpretation of the
Constitution has been invoked frequently to justify the extension of federal
authority and has greatly influence a number of Supreme Court decisions.
Free franked envelope signed "Alexander Hamilton."
HAMILTON, Alexander, statesman, born in the island of Nevis, West Indies, 11
January, 1757; died in New York city, 12 July, 1804. A curious mystery and
uncertainty overhang his birth and parentage, and even the accounts of his son
and biographer vary with and contradict each other. The accepted version is,
that he was the son of James Hamilton, a Scottish merchant, and his wife, a
French lady named Faucette, the divorced wife of a Dane named Lavine. According
to another story, his mother was a Miss Lytton, and her sister came subsequently
to this country, where she was watched over and supported by Hamilton and his
wife. A similar doubt is also connected with his paternity, which now cannot be
solved, even were it desirable. His father became bankrupt "at an early day," to
use Hamilton's own words, and the child was thus thrown upon the care of his
mother's relatives. His education seems to have been brief and desultory, and
chiefly due to the Reverend Hugh Knox, a Presbyterian clergyman of Nevis, who
took a great interest in the boy and kept up an affectionate correspondence with
him in after-days when his former pupil was on the way to greatness.
In 1777 his old tutor wrote to Hamilton that he must be the annalist and
biographer, as well as the aide-de-camp, of General Washington, and the
historiographer of the American war of independence. Before Hamilton was
thirteen years of age it was apparently necessary that he should earn his
living, and he was therefore placed in the office of Nicholas Cruger, a West
Indian merchant. His precocity was extraordinary, owing, perhaps in some
measure, to his early isolation and self-dependence, and at an age when most
boys are thinking of marbles and hockey he was writing to a friend and playmate
of his ambition and his plans for the future. Most boys have day-dreams; but
there is a definiteness and precision about Hamilton's that make them seem more
like the reveries of twenty than of thirteen. Even more remarkable was the
business capacity that he displayed at this time. His business letters, many of
which have been preserved, would have done credit to a trained clerk of any age,
and his employer was apparently in the habit of going away and leaving this mere
child in charge of all the affairs of his counting house. The boy also wrote for
the local press, contributing at one time an account of a severe hurricane that
had devastated the islands, which was so vivid and strong a bit of writing that
it attracted general attention.
This literary success, joined probably to the friendly advocacy of Dr. Knox,
led to the conviction that something ought to be done for a boy who was clearly
fitted for a higher position than a West Indian counting house. Funds were
accordingly provided by undefined relatives and more distinct friends, and thus
equipped, Hamilton sailed for Boston, Massachusetts, where he arrived in
October, 1772, and whence he proceeded to New York. Furnished by Dr. Knox with
good letters, he speedily found friends and counselors, and by their advice went
to a school in Elizabethtown, New Jersey, where he studied with energy to
prepare for college, and employed his pen in much writing, of both prose and
poetry. He entered King's college, New York now Columbia, and there with the aid
of a tutor made remarkable progress. While he was thus engaged, our difficulties
with England were rapidly ripening. Hamilton's natural inclinations were then,
as always, toward the side of order and established government, but a visit to
Boston in the spring of 1774, and a close examination of the questions in
dispute, convinced him of the justice of the cause of the colonies. His
opportunity soon came. A great meeting was held in the fields, 6 July, 1774, to
force the lagging Tory assembly of New York into line. Hamilton was among the
crowd, and as he listened he became more and more impressed, not by what was
said, but by what the speakers omitted to say. Pushing his way to the front, he
mounted the platform, and while the crowd cried "A collegian! A collegian!"
this stripling of seventeen began to pour out an eloquent and fervid speech in
behalf of colonial rights.
Once engaged, Hamilton threw himself into the struggle with all the intense
energy of his nature. He left the platform to take up the pen, and his two
pamphlets--"A Full Vindication" and "The Farmer Refuted"
--attracted immediate and general attention. Indeed, these productions were so
remarkable, at a time when controversial writings of great ability abounded,
that they were generally attributed to Jay and other well-known patriots. The
discovery of their authorship raised Hamilton to the position of a leader in New
York. Events now moved rapidly, the war for which he had sighed in his first
boyish letter came, and he of course was quick to take part in it.
Early in 1776 he was given the command of a company of artillery by the New
York convention, and by his skill in organization, and his talent for command,
he soon had a body of men that furnished a model of appearance and discipline at
a time when those qualities were as uncommon as they were needful. At Long
Island and at White Plains the company distinguished itself, and the gallantry
of the commander, as well as the appearance of the men, which had already
attracted the notice of
General Greene, led to an offer from Washington of a place on his staff.
This offer Hamilton accepted, and thus began the long and intimate connection
with Washington which suffered but one momentary interruption. Hamilton filled
an important place on
Washington's staff, and his ready pen made him almost indispensable to the
commander-in-chief. Beside his immediate duties, the most important task that
fell to him was when he was sent to obtain troops front
General Gates, after the
Burgoyne campaign. This was a difficult and delicate business; but Hamilton
conducted it with success, and, by a wise admixture of firmness and tact,
carried his point. He also took such part as was possible for a staff officer in
all the battles fought by Washington, and in the Andre affair he was brought
into close contact both with Andre and Mrs. Arnold, of whom he has left a most
pathetic and picturesque description.
On 16 February, 1781, Hamilton took hasty offence at a reproof given him by
Washington, and resigned from the staff, but he remained in the army, and at
Yorktown commanded a storming party, which took one of the British redoubts.
This dashing exploit practically closed Hamilton's military service in the
Revolution, which had been highly creditable to him both as a staff and field
officer. In the midst of his duties as a soldier, however, Hamilton had found
time for much else. On his mission to Gates he met at Albany Miss Elizabeth
Schuyler, whom he married on 14 December, 1780, and so became connected with a
rich and powerful New York family, which was of marked advantage to him in many
ways. During the Revolution, too, he had found leisure to study finance and
government, and his letters on these topics to
Robert Morris and James Duane display a remarkable grasp of both subjects.
He showed in these letters how to amend the confederation and how to establish a
national bank, and his plans thus set forth were not only practicable, but
evince his peculiar fitness for the great work before him. His letters on the
bank, indeed, so impressed Norris that when Hamilton left the army and was
studying law, Morris offered him the place of continental receiver of taxes for
New York, which he at once accepted. At the same time he was admitted to the
bar, and he threw himself into the work of his profession and of his office with
his wonted zeal.
The exclusion of the Tories from the practice of the law gave a fine opening
to their young rivals on the patriot side; but the business of collecting taxes
was a thankless task, which only served to bring home to Hamilton more than ever
the fatal defects of the confederation. From these uncongenial labors he was
relieved by an election to congress, where he took his seat in November, 1782.
The most important business then before congress was the ratification of peace;
but the radical difficulties of the situation arose from the shattered finances
and from the helplessness and imbecility of the confederation. Hamilton flung
himself into these troubles with the enthusiasm of youth and genius, but all in
vain. The case was hopeless. He extended his reputation for statesmanlike
ability and brilliant eloquence, but effected nothing, and withdrew to the
practice of his profession in 1783, more than ever convinced that the worthless
fabric of the confederation must be swept away, and something better and
stronger put in its place. This great object was never absent from his mind, and
as he rapidly rose at the bar he watched with a keen eye the course of public
affairs, and awaited an opening. Matters went rapidly from bad to worse. The
states were bankrupt, and disintegration threatened them. Internecine commercial
regulations destroyed prosperity, and riot and insurrection menaced society. At
last Virginia, in January, 1786, proposed a convention at Annapolis, Maryland,
to endeavor to make some common commercial regulations.
Hamilton's opportunity had come, and, slender as it was, he seized it with a
firm grasp. He secured the election of delegates from New York, and in company
with Egbert Benson betook himself to Annapolis in September, 1786. After the
fashion of the time, only five states responded to the call; but the meager
gathering at least furnished a stepping-stone to better things. The convention
agreed upon an address, which was drawn by Hamilton, and toned down to suit the
susceptibilities of
Edmund Randolph. This address set forth the evil condition of public
affairs, and called a new convention, with enlarged powers, to meet in
Philadelphia, 2 May, 1787. This done, the next business was to make the coming
convention a success, and Hamilton returned to New York to devote himself to
that object. He obtained an election to the legislature, and there fought the
hopeless battles of the general government against the
Clintonian forces, and made himself felt in all the legislation of the year;
but he never lost sight of his main purpose, the appointment of delegates to
Philadelphia. This he finally accomplished, and was chosen with two leaders of
the opposition, Yates and Lansing, to represent New York in the coming
convention. Hamilton's own position despite his victory in obtaining delegates
was trying; for in the convention the vote of the state, on every question, was
east against him by his colleagues. He, however, did the best that was possible.
At an early day, when a relaxing and feeble tendency appeared in the
convention, he introduced his own scheme of government, and supported it in a
speech of five hours, His plan was much higher in tone, and much stronger, than
any other, since it called for a president and senators for life, and for the
appointment of the governors of states by the national executive. It aimed, in
fact, at the formation of an aristocratic instead of a Democratic republic. Such
a scheme had no chance of adoption, and of course Hamilton was well aware of
this, but it served its purpose by clearing the atmosphere and giving the
convention a more vigorous tone. After delivering his speech, Hamilton withdrew
from the convention, where his colleagues rendered him hopelessly inactive, and
only returned toward the end to take part in the closing debates, and to affix
his name to the constitution.
It was when the labors of the convention were completed and laid before the
people that Hamilton's great work for the constitution really began. He
conceived and started
"The Federalist," and wrote most of those famous essays which riveted
the attention of the country, furnished the weapons of argument and exposition
to those who "thought continentally" in all the states, and did more than
any thing else toward the adoption of the constitution. In almost all the states
the popular majority was adverse to the constitution, and in the New York
ratifying convention the vote stood at the outset two to one against adoption.
In a brilliant contest, Hamilton, by arguments rarely equaled in the history of
debate, either in form or eloquence, by skilful management, and by wise delay,
finally succeeded in converting enough votes, and carried ratification
triumphantly. It was a great victory, and in the Federal procession in New York
the Federal ship bore the name of "Hamilton." From the convention the
struggle was transferred to the polls.
George Clinton was strong enough to prevent the choice of senators, but at
the election he only retained his own office by a narrow majority; his power was
broken, and the Federalists elected four of the six representatives in congress.
In this fight Hamilton led, and when the choice of senators was finally made he
insisted, in his imperious fashion, on the choice of
Rufus King and
General Schuyler, thus ignoring the
Livingstons, a political blunder that soon cost the Federalists control of
the state of New York.
In April, 1789, Washington was inaugurated, and when the treasury department
was at, last organized, in September, he at once placed Hamilton at the head of
it. In the five years that ensued Hamilton did the work that lies at the
foundation of our system of administration, gave life and meaning to the
constitution, and by his policy developed two great political parties. To give
in any detail an account of what he did would be little less than to write the
history of the republic during those eventful years. On 14 January, 1790, he
sent to congress the first "Report on the Public Credit," which is one of
the great state papers of our history, and which marks the beginning and
foundation of our government. In that wonderful document, and with a master's
hand, he reduced our confused finances to order, provided for a funding system
and for taxes to meet it, and displayed a plan for the assumption of the state
debts. The financial policy thus set forth was put into execution, and by it our
credit was redeemed, our union cemented, and our business and commercial
prosperity restored. Yet outside of this great work and within one year Hamilton
was asked to report, and did report fully, on the raising and collection of the
revenue, and on a scheme for revenue cutters; as to estimates of income and
expenditure; as to the temporary regulation of the currency; as to
navigation-laws and the coasting trade; as to the post office; as to the
purchase of West Point; as to the management of the public lands, and upon a
great mass of claims, public and private. Rapidly, effectively, and successfully
were all these varied matters dealt with and settled, and then in the succeeding
years came from the treasury a report on the establishment of a mint, with an
able discussion of Coins and coinage; a report on a national bank, followed by a
great legal argument in the cabinet, which evoked the implied powers of the
constitution; a report on manufactures, which discussed with profound ability
the problems of political economy and formed the basis of the protective policy
of the United States; a plan for an excise; numerous schemes for improved
taxation; and finally a last great report on the public credit, setting forth
the best methods for managing the revenue and for the speedy extinction of the
debt. In the midst of these labors Hamilton was assailed in congress by his
enemies, who were stimulated by
Jefferson, led by
James Madison and William B. Giles, and in an incredibly short time, in a
series of reports on loans, he laid bare every operation of the treasury for
three years, and thereafter could not get his foes, even by renewed invitations,
to investigate him further.
Outside of his own department, Hamilton was hardly less active, and in the
difficult and troubled times brought on by the French revolution he took a
leading part in the determination of our foreign policy, he believed in a strict
neutrality, and had no lemming to France. He sustained the neutrality
proclamation in the cabinet, and defended it in the press under the signature of
"Pacificus." He strenuously supported Washington in his course toward
France, and constantly urged more vigorous measures toward Edmond Charles Genet
(q. v.) than the cabinet as a whole would adopt. During this period, too, his
quarrel with Jefferson, which really typified the growth of two great political
parties, came to a head. Jefferson sustained and abetted Freneau in his attacks
upon the administration and the financial policy, and upon the secretary of the
treasury most especially. Hamilton, too, forgetful of the dignity of his office,
took up his pen and in a series of letters to the newspapers lashed Jefferson
until he writhed beneath the blows. At last Washington interfered, and a peace
was patched up between the warring secretaries; but the relation was too
strained to endure, and Jefferson soon resigned and retired to Virginia.
Hamilton was contemplating a similar step, but postponed taking it because he
wished to complete certain financial arrangements, and he also felt unwilling to
leave his office until the troubles arising in Pennsylvania from the excise were
settled. These disturbances culminated in open riot and insurrection; but
Washington and Hamilton were fully prepared to deal with the emergency. A
vigorous proclamation was issued, an overwhelming force, which Hamilton
accompanied, was marched into the insurgent counties, and the so-called
rebellion faded away.
Hamilton now felt free to withdraw from the cabinet, a step that he was
compelled to take from a lack of resources sufficient to support a growing
family, and he accordingly resigned on 31 January, 1795. His neglected practice
at once revived, and he soon stood at the head of the New York bar. But even his
incessant professional duties could not keep him from public affairs. The
Jay negotiation, which he had done much to set on foot, came to an end, mid
the treaty that resulted from it produced a fierce outburst of popular rage,
which threatened to overwhelm Washington himself. Hamilton defended the treaty
with voice and pen, writing a famous series of essays signed "Camillus," which
had a powerful influence in changing public opinion. He was also consulted
constantly by Washington, almost as much as if he had continued in the cabinet,
and he furnished drafts and suggestions for messages and speeches, besides
taking a large share in the preparation of the "Farewell Address."
Hamilton not only corresponded with and advised the president, but maintained
the same relation with the members of the cabinet, and this fact was one
fruitful source of the dissensions that arose in the Federalist party after the
retirement of Washington. Hamilton supported
John Adams loyally, if not very cordially, at the election of 1796, and
intended to give him an equally loyal support when he assumed office, but the
situation was an impossible one. Adams was the leader of the party de jure,
Hamilton de facto, and at least three members of the cabinet looked from the
first beyond their nominal and official chief to their real chief in New York.
If Adams had possessed political tact, he might have managed Hamilton; but he
neither could nor would attempt it, and Hamilton, on his side, was equally
imperious and equally determined to have his own way. The two leaders agreed as
to the special commission to France, and the commission went. They agreed as to
the attitude to be assumed after the exposure of the "X. Y. Z."
correspondence, and all went well. But, when it came to the provisional army,
Adams's jealousy led him to resist Hamilton's appointment to the command, and a
serious breach ensued.
The influence of Washington prevailed, however, and Hamilton was given the
post of inspector-general. For two years he was absorbed in the military duties
thus imposed upon him, and his genius for organization comes out strongly in his
correspondence relating to the formation, distribution, and discipline of the
army. In the mean time the affairs of the party went from bad to worse. Mr.
Adams reopened negotiations with France, which disgusted the war Federalists,
and then expelled
Timothy Pickering and James McHenry from the cabinet, 12 May, 1800. He also
gave loud utterance to his hatred of Hamilton, which speedily reached the
latter's ears, and the Federalist party found themselves face to face with an
election and torn by bitter quarrels. The Federalists were beaten by their
opponents under the leadership of
Burr in the New York elections, mid Hamilton, smarting from defeat, proposed
to Jay to call together the old legislature and refer the choice of electors to
the people in districts. The proposition was wrong and desperate, and wholly
unworthy of Hamilton, who seems to have been beside himself at the prospect of
his party's impending ruin and the consequent triumph of Jefferson. He also made
the fatal mistake of openly attacking Adams, and the famous pamphlet that he
wrote against the president, after depicting Adams as wholly unfit for his high
trust, lamely concluded by advising all the Federalists to vote for him. Such
proceedings could have but one result, and the Federalists were beaten. The
victors, however, were left in serious difficulties, for Burr and Jefferson
received an equal number of votes, and the election was thrown into the house of
representatives. The Federalists, eager for revenge on Jefferson, began to turn
to Burr, and now Hamilton, recovered from his lit, of anger, threw himself into
the breach, and, using all his great influence, was chiefly instrumental in
securing the election of Jefferson, thereby fulfilling the popular will and
excluding Burr, a great and high-minded service, which was a fit close to his
public life.
After the election of Jefferson, Hamilton resumed the practice of his
profession, and withdrew more and more into private life. But he could not
separate himself entirely from politics, and continued to write upon them, and
strove to influence and strengthen his party. As time wore on, and the breach
widened between Jefferson and Burr, the latter renewed his intrigues with the
Federalists, but through Hamilton's influence was constantly thwarted, and was
finally beaten for the governorship of New York. Burr then apparently determined
to fix a quarrel upon his life-long enemy, which was no difficult matter, for
Hamilton had used the severest language about Burr--not once, but a hundred
times--and it was easy enough to bring it home to him. Hamilton had no wish to
go out with Burr but he was a fighting man, and, moreover, he was haunted by the
belief that democracy was going to culminate in the horrors of the French
revolution, that a strong man would be needed, and that society would turn to
him for salvation -- a work for which he would be disqualified by the popular
prejudice if he declined to fight a duel. He therefore accepted the challenge,
met Burr on 11 July, 1804, on the bank of the Hudson at Weehawken, and fell
mortally wounded at the first fire.
His tragic fate called forth a universal burst of grief, and drove Burr into
exile, an outcast and a conspirator. The accompanying illustration represents
the tomb that marks his grave in Trinity churchyard, New York. The preceding
one, on page 57, is a picture of "The Grange," Hamilton's country residence on
the upper part of Manhattan island. The thirteen trees that he planted to
symbolize the original states of the Union survive in majestic proportions, and
the mansion is still standing on the bluff overlooking the Hudson on one side
and Long Island sound on the other, not far from 145th Street.
As time has gone on Hamilton's fame has grown, and he stands today as the
most brilliant statesman we have produced. His constructive mind and
far-reaching intellect are visible in every part of our system of government,
which is the best and noblest monument of his genius. His writings abound in
ideas which there and then found their first expression, and which he impressed
upon our institutions until they have become so universally accepted and so very
commonplace that their origin is forgotten. He was a brave and good soldier, and
might well have been a great one had the opportunity ever come. He was the
first, political writer of his time, with an unrivalled power of statement and a
dear, forcible style, which carried conviction in every line. At the time of his
death he was second to no man at the American bar, and was a master in debate
and in oratory. In his family and among his friends he was deeply beloved and
almost blindly followed. His errors and faults came from his strong, passionate
nature, and his masterful will impatient of resistance or control. Yet these
were the very qualities that carried him forward to his triumphs, and enabled
him to perform services to the American people which can never be forgotten.
There are several portraits of the statesman by John Trumbull, and one by
Wiemar; also a marble bust, modelled from life, by Ceraechi in 1794, of which
the accompanying illustration, on page 56, is a copy. A full-length statue of
Hamilton stands in the Central Park of New York.
Hamilton was the principal author of the series of essays called the
"Federalist," written in advocacy of a powerful and influential national
government, which were published in a New York journal under the signature of
"Publius" in 1787-'8, before the adoption of the Federal constitution. There
were eighty-five papers in all, of which Hamilton wrote fifty-one, James Madison
fourteen, John Jay five, and Madison and Hamilton jointly three, while the
authorship of the remaining twelve have been claimed by both Hamilton and
Madison. As secretary of the treasury, he presented to congress an elaborate
report on the public debt in 1789, and one on protective duties on imports in
1791. In the "Gazette of the United States," under the signature "An
American," he assailed Jefferson's financial views, while both were members
of Washington's cabinet (1792); under that of "Pacificus," defended in
print the policy of neutrality between France and England (1793); and in a
series of essays, signed "Camillus," sustained the policy of ratifying
Jay's treaty (1795). Other signatures used by him in his newspaper controversies
were "Cato," "Lucius Crassus," "Phocion," and "Scipio."
In answer to the charges of corruption made by Monroe, he published a
pamphlet, containing his correspondence with Monroe on the subject and the
supposed incriminating letters on which the charges were based (1797). His
"Observations on Certain Documents" (Philadelphia, 1797) was republished in
New York in 1865. In 1798 he defended in the newspapers the policy of increasing
the army. His "Works," comprising the "Federalist," his most
important official reports, and other writings, were published in three volumes
(New York, 1810). His "Official and other Papers," edited by Francis L.
Hawks, appeared in 1842. in 1851 his son, John C., issued a carefully prepared
edition of his "Works," comprising his correspondence and his political
and official writings, civil and military, in seven volumes. A still larger
collection of his "Complete Works," including the "Federalist,"
his private correspondence, and many hitherto unpublished documents, was edited,
with an introduction and notes, by Henry Cabot Lodge (9 vols., 1885). In 1804
appeared a "Collection of Facts and Documents relative to the Death of
Major-General Alexander Hamilton," by William Coleman. The same year his
"Life" was published in Boston by John Williams, under the pen-name
"Anthony Pasquin," a reprint of which has been issued by the Hamilton club
(New York, 1865). A "Life of Alexander Hamilton" (2 vols., 1834-'40) was
published by his son, John Church, who also compiled an elaborate work entitled
"History of the Republic of the United States, as traced in the Writings of
Alexander Hamilton and his Contemporaries," the first volume of which
contains a sketch of his father's career (1850-'8). See also his "Life"
by Henry B. Renwick (1841); "Life and Times of Alexander Hamilton," by
Samuel M. Smucker (Boston, 1856); "Hamilton and his Contemporaries," by
Christopher J. Riethmueller (1864); "Life of Hamilton," by John T. Morse,
Jr. (1876);" Hamilton, a Historical Study," by George Shea (New York,
1877); "Life and Epoch of Alexander Hamilton," by the same author
(Boston, 1879)" and "Life of Hamilton," by Henry Cabot Lodge (American
statesmen series, 1882). A list of the books written by or relating to Hamilton
has been published under the title of "Bibliotheca Hamiltonia" by Paul L. Ford
(New York, 1886). --His wife, Elizabeth, daughter of General Philip Schuyler,
born in Albany, New York, 9 August, 1757; died in Washington, D. C., 9 November,
1854. At the time of their marriage Hamilton was one of General Washington's
aides, with the rank of lieutenant colonel. She rendered assistance to her
husband in his labors, counselled him in his affairs, and kept his papers in
order for him, preserving the large collection of manuscripts, which was
acquired by the United States government in 1849, and has been utilized by the
biographers of Alexander Hamilton and by historians, who have traced by their
light the secret and personal influences that decided many public events between
1775 and 1804. The accompanying portrait of Mrs. Hamilton, painted by James
Earle, represents her at the age of twenty-seven.
--Their son, Philip Hamilton, born 22 January,
1782, was graduated at Columbia in 1800, and died of a wound received in a duel
24 November, 1801, on the same spot where his father fell three years later. The
young man, who showed much promise, became involved in a political quartel, and
was challenged by his antagonist, whose name was Eckert. After the affair the
father regarded with abhorrence the practice of duelling. He recorded his
condemnation in a paper, written before going to the fatal meeting with Burr.
--Another son, Alexander
Hamilton, soldier, born in New York city, 16 May, 1786; died there, 2
August, 1875, was graduated at Columbia in 1804, studied law, and was admitted
to practice. He went abroad, and was with the Duke of Wellington's army in
Portugal in 1811, but returned on hearing rumors of impending war with Great
Britain. He was appointed captain of United States infantry in August, 1813, and
acted as aide-de-camp to General Morgan Lewis in 1814. In 1822 he was appointed
United States district attorney in Florida, and in 1823 one of the three Florida
land-commissioners. His last years were passed in New Brunswick, New Jersey, and
in New York city, where he engaged in real estate speculations.
--Another son, James Alexander Hamilton, lawyer, born in New York city, 14
April, 1788; died in Irvington, New York, 24 September, 1878, was graduated at
Columbia in 1805. He served in the war of 1812-'15 as brigade major and
inspector in the New York state militia, and afterward practiced law. He was
acting secretary of state under President Jackson in 1829, being appointed ad
interim on 4 March, but surrendering the office on the regular appointment of
Martin Van Buren, two days later. On 3 April he was nominated United States
district attorney for the southern district of New York. The degree of LL.D. was
conferred upon him by Hamilton college, he published "Reminiscences of
Hamilton, or Men and Events, at Home and Abroad, during Three Quarters of a
Century" (New York, 1869).--
Another son, John Church Hamilton, lawyer, born in Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania, 22 August, 1792; died in Long Branch, New Jersey, 25 July, 1882,
was graduated at Columbia in 1809. He studied law, and practised in New York
city. He was commissioned a lieutenant in the United States army in March, 1814,
and served as aide-de-camp to General Harrison, bug resigned on 11 June, 1814.
He spent many years in preparing memoirs of his father, and editing the latter's
works (see above).
--Another son, William Steven Hamilton, born in New York city, 4 August,
1797; died in Sacramento, California, 7 August, 1850, entered the United States
military academy in 1814, but left before his graduation. He was appointed
United States surveyor of public lands in Illinois, and served as a colonel of
Illinois volunteers in the Black Hawk war, commanding a reconnoitering party
under General Atkinson in 1832. He held various offices, removed to Wisconsin,
and thence to California.
--The youngest son, Philip Hamilton, jurist, born in New York city, 1 June,
1802; died in Poughkeepsie, New York, 9 July, 1884, married a daughter of Louis
McLane. He was assistant district attorney in New York city, and for some time
judge-advocate of the naval retiring board in Brooklyn.
-Schuyler Hamilton, soldier, son of John Church Hamilton, born in New York
city, 25 July, 1822, was graduated at the United States military academy in
1841, entered the 1st infantry, and was on duty on the plains and as assistant
instructor of tactics at West Point. He served with honor in the Mexican war,
being brevetted for gallantry at Monterey, and again for his brave conduct in an
affair at Nil Flores, where he was attacked by a superior force of Mexican
lancers, and was severely wounded in a desperate hand-to-hand combat. From 1847
till 1854 he served as aide-de-camp to General Winfield Scott. At the beginning
of the civil war he volunteered as a private in the 7th New York regiment, and
was attached to the staff of General Benjamin F. Butler, and then acted as
military secretary to General Scott until the retirement of the latter.
He next served as assistant chief of staff to General Henry W. Halleck, at
St. Louis, Missouri, with the rank of colonel, he was commissioned
brigadier-general of volunteer's on 12 November, 1861, and ordered to command
the department of St. Louis. He participated in the important operations of the
armies of the Tennessee and of the Cumberland, was the first to suggest the
cutting of a canal to turn the enemy's position at Island No. 10, and commanded
a division in the operations against that island and New Madrid, for which he
was made a major-general on 17 September, 1862. At the battle of Farmington he
commanded the reserve. On 27 February, 1863, he was compelled by feeble health
to resign. From 1871 till 1875 he filled the post of hydrographic engineer for
the department of docks in New York city. He is the author of a "History of the
National Flag of the United States" (New York, 1852), and on 14 June, 1877, the
centennial anniversary of its adoption, delivered an address on "Our National
Flag."
--Allan McLane Hamilton, physician, son of Philip, born in Brooklyn, New
York, 6 October, 1848, was graduated at the College of physicians and surgeons
in New York city in 1870, and practiced in that city, devoting his attention to
nervous diseases. He invented a dynamometer in 1874, and was one of the first to
practice galvano-cautery in the United States, and the first to employ
monobromate of camphor in treating delirium tremens and nitro-glycerine in
epilepsy. He had charge in 1872-'3 of the New York state hospital for diseases
of the nervous system, afterward became visiting physician to the epileptic and
paralytic hospital. On Blackwell's island, New York city, and lectured on
nervous diseases in the Long Island college hospital. In the trial of President
Garfield's assassin he testified as an expert in behalf of the government. He
edited in 1875 the "American Psychological Journal," is the author of a work on"
Clinical Electro-Therapeutics" (New York, 1873), and also of textbooks on
"Nervous Diseases" (1878-'81), and "Medical Jurisprudence" (1887), and has
published in professional journals articles on epilepsy, sensory epilepsy,
ascending general paresis, tremors, and incoordination.
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