Peyton Randolph was
born in Williamsburg, Virginia, in 1721 and died in Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania, 22 October 1775. After graduation from the College of William &
Mary he was admitted into the Inns of Court in London, England at
Middle Temple to study law. Upon
graduation Randolph returned to Virginia and practiced law. He was appointed
King’s Attorney for Virginia in 1748 due to his father, Sir John Randolph's
influence, as fellow knight and friend, Sir William Gooch, was the Governor of
the Virginia Colony.
Peyton was also
chosen as a House of Burgesses representative for Williamsburg in 1748. As the
Virginia's chief law officer in 1749 he challenged the apostle of
Presbyterianism, the Reverend Samuel Davies view on the Toleration Act.
This young and influential Reverend claimed that Toleration Act law, like
the Act of Uniformity, extended beyond Great Britain to Colony of
Virginia. Attorney General Randolph dismissed Davis' assertion and the Act’s
enforcement in Virginia. The case was appealed by Davis before the Attorney
General in England. In 1751 a ruling in Randolph's favor was applied to all the
Colonies. This ruling gained Peyton his initial prominence in the Virginia and
the other 12 Colonies.
Peyton's reputation
ascended again in 1751 when the newly appointed Virginia Governor Dinwiddie
decided to charge a Pistole, a Spanish coin worth about 20 shillings, each time
he certified a land patent with his signature. To insure the support of the
Attorney General the Governor called, with his family, on Randolphs
at their Williamsburg home. As his guest, Dinwiddie turned to business and
insisted Randolph
support his effort to collect this new "Pistole Fee" tax. Randolph
respectfully counseled the Governor that the Virginia House of Burgess must
first debate and vote on the measure before the tax could be imposed upon the
people. The incensed Governor did not heed the wisdom of his Attorney General
choosing, instead, to proceed with collecting "Pistole Fee" on every
land-patent executed in Virginia without the approval of the Virginia House of
Burgess.
In 1754 Randolph
was commissioned by the Virginia House of the Burgesses to appeal the
unconstitutionality of the "Pistole Fee" exaction by Governor Dinwiddie
to the English ministry in London. In England Peyton engaged the crown lawyers,
Campbell and Murray (afterward Lord Mansfield), with marked ability according to
London newspaper accounts. The result of his pleading ended with the "Pistole
Fee" being removed from all land transfers under one hundred acres but
remained for the larger parcels.
Meanwhile, Governor
Dinwiddie who did not approve Randolph’s trip was infuriated that the Attorney
General left the colony without his consent on a mission authorized only by the
Virginia House of the Burgesses. The Governor believed the act to be hostile to
the execution of the King's Law. Consequently, when a petition of the Burgesses
arrived requesting from the Governor that the office of Attorney General should
remain open until Randolph's return, Dinwiddie utilized this opportunity to
punish his subordinate. Dinwiddie denied the Virginia House of the Burgesses
request and suspended Attorney General Randolph, appointing George Wythe in his
place. Wythe, a loyal friend of Randolph and supporter of the mission, accepted
the office only until Randolph's
return.
Randolph's promised
compensation for the successful London mission, £2,500, caused a long struggle
between the governor and the burgesses, who made the sum a rider to one of
£20,000 voted for the General Braddock's doomed campaign against Fort Duquesne.
The conflict led to a prorogation of the house (When a legislature is prorogued
by a Colonial Governor it is still constituted but all orders of the body
bills, motions, etc.. are expunged.) The British Lords of Trade, however,
stepped in and ordered the reduction of the "Pistole Fee," and requested
the reinstatement of Randolph. The Governor wrote this on Randolph on October
23, 1754:
"You must think
y't some w't absurd from the bad Treatm't I have met with. However, if he
answers properly w't I have to say to him, I am not inflexible; and he must
confess, before this happened he had greater share of my Favs, and Counten'ce
than any other in the Gov't."
The English Ministry also
sided with the Virginia House of the Burgesses and Peyton Randolph was
reinstated. There was a compromise on the final compensation with the new
Virginia House of the Burgesses, however, about the money owed to Randolph due
to the defeat Major General Edward Braddock near present day Pittsburgh.
On July 9, 1755
General Braddock crossed Monongahela River and heard shots from his advanced
scouts led by Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Gage. 900 French, Canadians and Native
Americans attacked the advance unit which after a brief defense retreated back
into Braddock's main Army rushing to the Colonel's aide. Crammed on a narrow
valley road along the river the two British forces clashed and fell into
disorder as the French Canadian militiamen and Native American took elevated
positions behind trees and rocks firing into the valley. At the same time the
French regulars attacked the British head on in the narrow space and Braddock
was unable to expand the battle line to take advantage of his superior numbers.
To make matters worst the Colonial Militiamen scampered into the woods taking
positions to fire upon the French Regulars. Confused, the British Regulars began
firing upon the Colonial Militiamen believing them to be Canadian or Native
Americans. The battle raged on for three hours and Braddock, rallying his men
time after time, was shot through the right arm and with the mini-ball lodging
into his lung.
George Washington carried off the wounded
General with another officer, ordered the retreat as the British officers with
their gleaming Gorgets were prime targets in the battle with 63 being killed or
wounded. Of the 1464 men led by Braddock 456 were killed and 421 wounded.
Additionally, of the 47 women that accompanied the British column as maids and
cooks, only 4 survived. The losses of 250 French Regulars and Canadian Minuteman
were 8 killed and 4 wounded. The Native American Allies numbering nearly 650
loss 15 lives and 12 were wounded.
Washington and the
retreating British Army came upon Colonel Dunbar, who was in command of the rear
supply unit Dunbar being the ranking British Officer took command of the
beleaguered Army. Instead of reorganizing the troops and setting up a defense
line to protect the supplies, Dunbar ordered a hasty retreat and the burning
about 150 wagons and cannon before withdrawing. The French remained in place
where Braddock fell and never pursued the fleeing, still superior, British
force. General Braddock died on 13 July 1755, just four days after the battle.
The news of this
disastrous defeat overshadowed Randolph’s personal loss of funds granted by the
Virginia House of Burgesses. Randolph dropped all claim to the money and turned
to from his duties as Attorney General further scaling back his compensation
forming an association to deal with the disastrous defeat. The association
managed to raise one hundred men and they marched west, under command of Colonel
William Byrd, to revive the remnants of Braddock's Army hoping to reengage the
French and Native Americans who were responsible for the ambush. Their scouts
quickly learned, however, that the enemy had safely retreated to Fort Duquesne,
and the British supplies and cannon was burnt by Colonel Dunbar. The Virginians
numbers and supplies were not sufficient enough to re-provision the army let
alone lay siege to the Fort so they returned to Williamsburg.
As the War for
Empire waged in the colonies Randolph turned to his duties as Attorney General
and member of the house.. The next few years Peyton Randolph chaired a committee
to revise Virginia Colonial Law. In 1758, with the work of the committee
completed, his efforts focused on improving and restructuring William and Mary
College. In 1760 Patrick Henry's law license was
rejected by Law-Examiners Wythe and Pendleton. Henry appealed to Randolph for
help who spent time investigating the Patriot's knowledge of English Law. The
Attorney General, along with his brother John, approved Henry's law license
after some recommendations of additional reading.
Thomas Jefferson wrote:
"The two Randolphs,
acknowledged he [Patrick Henry] was very ignorant of law, but that they
perceived that he was a man of genius, and did not doubt he would soon qualify
himself."
Randolph was one of
the few intimate friends of George Washington. In politics, Randolph was
Washington's mentor who upon Peyton’s death referred to Peyton as the “Father
of Our Country”. Jefferson was also an admirer and a cousin of Randolph. In
a letter to his grandson, Jefferson declares that in early life, amid
difficulties and temptations, he used to ask himself “How Peyton Randolph
would act in such a situation, and what course would meet with his approbation?”
Peyton Randolph was
a political conservative in the cause of independence. As chairman of the
committee in 1764 Randolph drew up the remonstrance of the burgesses, against
the Stamp Act. Patrick Henry, then a burgess, introduced seven amendments to
Randolph's resolution. They were radical amendments and culminated with Henry's
famous made his "Caesar-Brutus" speech seeking their adoption. The
following day Randolph had to surrender his presiding chair of the Burgess to
returning Speaker John Robinson. By the smallest majority, five of Henry's
"treasonable" amendments were passed. A single vote more would have tied
the measures and Speaker John Robinson would have cast his vote to defeat
Henry's measures. Thomas Jefferson reported to all who listen that Peyton
Randolph said in leaving the hall, " By God, I would have given five hundred
guineas for a single vote!"
In
1766 Randolph was elected speaker defeating Richard Henry Lee. Randolph resigned
his office as king's attorney, devoting his attention to the increasing
troubles of the country. The burgesses recognized that his legal knowledge and
judicial calmness was a ballast for the sometimes tempestuous patriotism of the
very eloquent Patrick Henry. For this reason, Randolph was placed at the head
of all important committees.
In May 1769 the House
considered measures to counteract England's
Townshend Duties. Once again Patrick Henry introduced the radical resolves and
this time Speaker Randolph supported themeasures. An enraged Virginia
Governor, Lord Botetourt (1768-1770), disapproved and dissolved the assembly.
The following day the members gathered at Raleigh Tavern and adopted a compact
drafted by George Mason. The measure was introduced by
George Washington. Peyton Randolph surprised everyone by insisting he be the
first to sign as Speaker of the "former representatives of the people."
Speaking of
“former representatives of the people,” legislatures were being
indiscriminately dissolved by other Governors make communication between the
colonies’ representatives quite challenging. In 1772 at the urging of patriot
Samuel Adams, a Massachusetts committee was formed
that would ignite formal collaboration between the colonies. Samuel Adams moved
"that a Committee
of Correspondence be appointed, to consist of twenty-one persons, to state the
rights of the colonists, and of this province in particular, as men, as
Christians, and as subjects, to communicate and publish the same to the several
towns in this province and to the world as the sense of this town, with the
infringement and violations thereof that have been, or from time to time may
be, made; also requesting of each town a free communication of their sentiments
on this subject."
So began the
progression towards independence by a host of concerned citizens groups known as
the Committees of Correspondence. These Committees were formed throughout the
colonies as a method of coordinating grievances against the King. Some were
formed by the colonial legislatures while others by "private"
associations such as the Sons of Liberty. It was the Boston Committee of
Correspondence that directed the Boston Tea Party action of December 16, 1773.
The first Committee
of Correspondence was established on March 4th 1773 in Virginia when the
representatives learned that Britain proposed to transport a band of Rhode
Island smugglers to England for trial. Dabney Carr, Patrick Henry,
Richard Henry Lee,
Francis Lightfoot Lee, and Thomas
Jefferson met at the Raleigh Tavern to discuss the implications for Virginia and
other news pouring in from the other colonies. Specifically absent in this
initial meeting were Peyton Randolph and Edmund Pendleton who Jefferson did not
invite believing that they lacked the zeal for revolution saying "… old and
leading members up to the point of forwardness and zeal which the times
required."
Thomas Jefferson, however, miscalculated Peyton Randolph's "genteel
revolutionary" style who wisely sided with Virginia against the crown and
became the Chairman of the Committee of Correspondence between the colonies in
May 1773.
It would be a year of mild correspondence until news reached Virginia of Britain
closing Boston Harbor in retaliation for its Tea Party. On May 24th, 1774 a
Randolph led House of Burgess passed Thomas Jefferson's Fast Day resolution:
"This House,
being deeply impressed with apprehension of the great dangers, to be derived
to British America, from the hostile Invasion of the City of Boston, in our
Sister Colony of Massachusetts bay, whose commerce and harbor are, on the
first Day of June next, to be stopped by an Armed force, deem it highly
necessary that the said f first day of June be set apart, by the Members of
this House, as a day of Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer, devoutly to implore
the divine interposition for averting the heavy Calamity which threatens
destruction to our Civil Rights, and the Evils of civil War; to give us one
heart and one Mind to firmly oppose, by all just and proper means, every
injury to American Rights; and that the Minds of his Majesty and his
parliament, may be inspired from above with Wisdom, Moderation, and Justice,
to remove from the loyal People of America, all cause of danger, from a
continued pursuit of Measure, pregnant with their ruin."
Lord Dunmore, now
Governor of Virginia, summoned the Burgess and stated that their Fast Day
Resolution "I have in my hand a paper published by order of your House,
conceived in such terms as reflect highly upon His Majesty and the Parliament of
Great Britain, which makes it necessary for me to dissolve you; and you are
accordingly dissolved." The following day 89 burgesses assembled at the
Raleigh Tavern to form another association. On May 28th the Virginia Committee
of Correspondence proposed a Continental Congress and on the 30th two dozen
burgesses met at Peyton Randolph's house and called for a state convention on
August 1.
On June 1, 1774 the Williamsburg community gathered at Bruton Parish Church and
along with Peyton Randolph prayed for Boston. After the service the Speaker
organized key members of the Williamsburg community to gather provisions and
cash to be sent to the people of Boston.
July was spent preparing for the August 1st state convention.
Peyton Randolph presided over the Virginia convention of August 1, 1774 and was
the first of seven deputies appointed by it to the proposed congress at
Philadelphia. The other delegates were Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, Patrick
Henry, Richard Henry Lee, Edmund Pendleton, and George Washington. The
convention also approved a ban of all exports to Great Britain. On August 10th,
1774 Randolph urged the citizens of Williamsburg to assemble at their
courthouse, where the proceedings of the State convention were ratified.
Instructions were drawn-up for the delegates that focused on the
unconstitutionality of British statutes that sought to bind the American
colonies to English taxes and duties. For presiding over this meeting Randolph's
name was placed on the roll of those to be attainted by parliament, but the bill
was never passed.
Peyton Randolph traveled to Pennsylvania with the Virginia delegation in late
August of 1774. The first meeting of colonial delegates took place on September
3rd in The City Tavern just down the street from what we now know as
Independence Hall (yes the true birthplace of the Continental Congress and the
Presidency was in a Philadelphia tavern). The debates at this tavern meeting
were significant as the decision was made to hold the First Continental
Congress in a private, rather than public hall. Additionally the delegates
discussed the formation of the President and a body of rules under which the
colonial representatives would deliberate. Congress convened the next day in
Carpenter’s Hall, South Carolina delegate Thomas Lynch nominated Peyton
Randolph to be chairman. Peyton was elected by unanimous vote. Connecticut
Delegate Silas Deane wrote of Peyton to Mrs. Deane:
" ... Designed by nature for the business, of an affable, open and majestic
deportment, large in size, though not out of proportion, he commands respect and
esteem by his very aspect, independent of the high character he sustains ... "
He was but fifty-three years of age in 1774, but was described by a
fellow-member as "a venerable man," to which is added "an honest man;
has knowledge, temper, experience, judgment, above all, integrity--a true Roman
spirit." His noble presence, gracious manners, and imperturbable
self-possession won the confidence of all. He was constantly relied on for his
parliamentary experience and judicial wisdom.
President Peyton Randolph, like many of the founders, was a deeply religious
man. Strong religious conviction was the rule and not the exception in the
Continental and United States in Congress Assembled governments. At this initial
meeting, the practice that still remains an integral part of the Supreme Court,
U.S. Senate and House of Representatives today began when the Continental
Congress invited the Reverend Jacob Duché rector of Christ Church, to open their
sessions with prayer.
The Journals of Congress report on September 7, 1774:
“Agreeable to
the resolve of yesterday, the meeting was opened with prayers by the Revd. Mr.
Duché. Voted, That the thanks of the Congress be given to Mr. Duché, by Mr.
Cushing and Mr. Ward, for performing divine Service, and for the excellent
prayer, which he composed and deliver'd on the occasion..”
Samuel Ward's Diary recorded the prayer as:
“Mr. Duchèe read
Prayers & Lessons & concluded with one of the most sublime catholic well adapted
Prayers I ever heard”.
Silas Deane wrote
to Elizabeth Deane :
“The Congress
met and opened with a Prayer, made by the Revd. Mr. Deshay which it was worth
riding One Hundred Mile to hear. He read the Lessons of the Day which were
accidentally extremely Applicable, & then prayed without Book about Ten Minutes
so pertinently, with such Fervency, purity, & sublimity of Stile, & sentiment,
and with such an apparent Sensibility of the Scenes, & Business before Us, that
even Quakers shed Tears. The Thanks of the Congress were most Unanimously
returned him, by a Select honorable Committee.”
John Adams wrote to
Abigail Adams on September 16, 1774 about the first prayer:
“Having a Leisure Moment,
while the Congress is assembling, I gladly embrace it to write you a Line. When
the Congress first met, Mr. Cushing made a Motion, that it should be opened with
Prayer. It was opposed by Mr. Jay of N. York and Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina,
because we were so divided in religious Sentiments, some Episcopalians, some
Quakers, some anabaptists, some Presbyterians and some Congregationalists, so
that We could not join in the same Act of Worship. Mr. S. Adams arose and said
he was no Bigot, and could hear a Prayer from a Gentleman of
Piety and Virtue, who was at the same Time a Friend to his Country. He was a
Stranger in Phyladelphia, but had heard that Mr. Duchè (Dushay they pronounce
it) deserved that Character, and therefore he moved that Mr. Duchè, an
episcopal Clergyman, might be desired, to read Prayers to the Congress, tomorrow
Morning The Motion was seconded and passed in the Affirmative. Mr. Randolph our
President, waited on Mr. Duchè, and received for Answer that if his Health would
permit, he certainly would. Accordingly next Morning he appeared with his Clerk
and in his Pontificallibus, and read several Prayers, in the established Form;
and then read the Collect for the seventh clay of September, which was the
Thirty fifth Psalm. You must remember this was the next Morning after we heard
the horrible Rumour, of the Cannonade of Boston. I never saw a greater Effect
upon an Audience. It seemed as if Heaven had ordained that Psalm to be read on
that Morning.
After this Mr.
Duchè, unexpected to every Body struck out into an extemporary Prayer, which
filled the Bosom of every Man pre sent. I must confess I never heard a better
Prayer or one, so well pronounced. Episcopalian as he is, Dr. Cooper himself
never prayed with such fervour, such Ardor, such Earnestness and Pathos, and in
Language so elegant and sublime--for America, for the Congress. for The Province
of Massachusetts Bay, and especially the Town of Boston. It has had an excellent
Effect upon every Body here.
I must beg you to
read that Psalm. If there was any Faith in the sortes Virgilianae, or sortes
Homericae, or especially the Sortes biblicae, it would be thought providential.
It will amuse your Friends to read this Letter and the 35th. Psalm to them. Read
it to your Father and Mr. Wibirt. I wonder what our Braintree Churchmen would
think of this? Mr. Duchè is one of the most ingenious Men, and best Characters,
and greatest orators in the Episcopal order, upon this Continent--Yet a Zealous
Friend of Liberty and his Country.”
Peyton Randolph's Congress
first consideration to address their grievances with Great Britain was a placed
on the table by Pennsylvania Delegate Joseph Galloway. Delegate Galloway's
"Plan of
Union" urged the creation of Colonial parliament that
would act in concert with the existing British body. On matters relating to
America, each was
to have veto power over the other's actions:
“A Plan of a
proposed Union between Great Britain and the Colonies
That a British and American legislature, for regulating the administration of
the general affairs of America, be proposed and established in America,
including all the said colonies; within, and under which government, each colony
shall retain its present constitution, and powers of regulating and governing
its own internal police, in all cases what[so]ever.
That the said government be administered by a President General, to be appointed
by the King, and a grand Council, to be chosen by the Representatives of the
people of the several colonies, in their respective assemblies, once in every
three years. That the several assemblies shall choose members for the grand
council in the following proportions, viz.
New Hampshire. Delaware
Counties.
Massachusetts-Bay. Maryland.
Rhode Island. Virginia.
Connecticut. North Carolina.
New-York. South-Carolina.
New-Jersey.
Georgia.
Pennsylvania.
Who shall meet at the
city of [ ] for the first time, being called by the President-General, as soon
as conveniently may be after his appointment.
That there shall be a new election of members for the Grand Council every three
years; and on death, removal or resignation of any member, his place shall be
supplied by a choice, at the next sitting of the Assembly of the Colony he
represented.
That the Grand
Council shall meet once in every year, if they shall think it necessary, and
oftener, if occasions shall require, at such time and place as they shall
adjourn to, at the last preceding meeting, or as they shall be called to meet
at, by the President-General, on any emergency.
That the Grand
Council shall have power to choose their Speaker, and shall hold and exercise
all the rights, liberties and privileges, as are held and exercised by and in
the House of Commons of Great-Britain.
That the
President-General shall hold his office during the pleasure of the King, and his
assent shall be requisite to all acts of the Grand Council, and it shall be his
office and duty to cause them to be carried into execution.
That the
President-General, by and with the advice and consent of the Grand-Council, hold
and exercise all the legislative rights, powers, and authorities, necessary for
regulating and administering all the general police and affairs of the colonies,
in which Great-Britain and the colonies, or any of them, the colonies in
general, or more than one colony, are in any manner concerned, as well civil and
criminal as commercial.
That the said
President-General and the Grand Council, be an inferior and distinct branch of
the British legislature, united and incorporated with it, for the aforesaid
general purposes ...”
Galloway provides
us with a history of this Plan in his “Candid Examination of the Mutual
Claims of Great-Britain and the Colonies and with a Plan of Accommodation on
Constitutional Principle,” New York: 1775. The resolution to adopt this Pan
of Union was seconded by James Duane. The debates are partly sketched in John
Adams’ Works. The plan was entered on the minutes of the Congress, with
an order referring it to future consideration.
William Franklin,
the N.J. Colonial Governor and son of Benjamin Franklin wrote to Earl of
Dartmouth on December 6th, 1774, "yet they not only refused to resume the
Consideration of it, but directed both the Plan and Order to be erased from
their Minutes, so that no vestige of it might appear there." Delegate Samuel
Ward says, however, that the Plan was "not committed but ordered to lie on
the table." Whatever the case, Galloway's Plan of Union was never approved
by the First Continental Congress as opinion on his proposal was sharply
divided.
In another matter
Peyton Randolph sent General Gage a letter protesting his occupation of Boston
in his official role as President on behalf of the entire Continental Congress
stating among other things the people have “appointed us the guardians of
their rights and liberties.”
Philadelphia, October 10, 1774.
SIR:
The Inhabitants of the Town of Boston have informed us, the Representatives of
his Majesty's faithful subjects in all the Colonies from Nova Scotia to Georgia,
that the Fortifications erecting within that Town, the frequent invasions of
private property, and the repeated insults they receive from the Soldiery have
given them great reason to suspect a plan is formed very destructive to them,
and tending to overthrow the liberties of America.
Your Excellency cannot be a stranger to the sentiments
of America with respect to the Acts of Parliament, under the execution of which
those unhappy people are oppressed, the approbation universally expressed of
their conduct, and the determined resolution of the Colonies, for the
preservation of their common rights to unite in their opposition to those Acts.
In consequence of these sentiments, they have appointed us the guardians of
their rights and liberties; and we are under the deepest concern that whilst we
are pursuing every dutiful and peaceable measure to procure a cordial and
effectual reconciliation between Great Britain and the Colonies, your Excellency
should proceed in a manner that bears so hostile an appearance, and which even
those oppressive Acts do not warrant.
We entreat your Excellency to consider what a tendency
this conduct must have to irritate and force a free people, however well
disposed to peaceable measures, into hostilities, which may prevent the
endeavours of this Congress to restore a good understanding with our parent
state, and may involve us in the horrours of a civil war.
In order therefore to quiet the minds and remove the
reasonable jealousies of the people, that they may not be driven to a state of
desperation, being fully persuaded of their pacifick disposition towards the
King's Troops, could they be assured of their own safety, we hope sir, you will
discontinue the Fortifications in and about Boston; prevent any further
invasions of private property; restrain the irregularities of the Soldiers; and
give orders that the communication between the Town and Country may be open,
unmolested, and free.
"Signed by order, and in behalf of the General
Congress,
PEYTON
RANDOLPH,
President
General Gage
replied:
Boston, October 20,
1774.
SIR:
Representations should be made with candour, and matters stated exactly as they
stand. People would be led to believe, from your letter to me of the 10th
instant, that works were raised against the Town of Boston, private property
invaded, the Soldiers suffered to insult the inhabitants, and the communication
between the Town and Country shut up and molested.
Nothing can be farther from the true situation of this
place than the above state. There is not a single gun pointed against the Town,
no man's property has been seized or hurt, except the King's by the people's
destroying straw, bricks, &c., bought for his service. No Troops have given less
cause for complaint, and greater care was never taken to prevent it, and such
care and attention was never more necessary, from the insults and provocations
daily giving to both Officers and Soldiers. The communication between the Town
and Country has been always free and unmolested, and is so still.
Two works of earth have been raised at some distance
from the Town, wide of the roads, and guns put in them. The remains of old
works, going out of the Town, have been strengthened, and guns placed there
likewise.—People will think differently, whether the hostile preparations
throughout the country, and the menaces of blood and slaughter, made this
necessary. But I am to do my duty.
It gives me pleasure that you are endeavouring at a
cordial reconciliation with the mother country; which, from what has transpired,
I have despaired of. Nobody wishes better success to such measures than myself.
I have endeavoured to be a mediator, if I could establish a foundation to work
upon; and have strongly urged it to people here to pay for the Tea, and send a
proper Memorial to the King, which would be a good beginning on their side, and
give their friends the opportunity they seek, to move in their support.
I do not believe that menaces and unfriendly proceedings will have the effect
which many conceive. The spirit of the British Nation was high when I left
England, and such measures will not abate it. But I should hope that decency and
moderation here would create the same disposition at home; and I ardently wish
that the common enemies to both countries may see, to their disappointment, that
these disputes between the mother country and the Colonies have terminated like
the quarrels of lovers, and increased the affection which they ought to bear to
each other. I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
THOMAS
GAGE.
To the Hon. Peyton Randolph, Esq.
The 2nd
most notable piece of legislation was passed on October 14, 1774. It was later
called the “Declaration and Resolves of the First Continental Congress”
and it addressed the extending of the Catholic province of Quebec borders to the
"western frontiers" of the colonies. The Resolves stated:
“And in
prosecution of the same system, several late, cruel, and oppressive acts have
been passed, respecting the town of Boston and the Massachusetts-Bay, and also
an act for extending the province of Quebec, so as to border on the western
frontiers of these colonies, establishing an arbitrary government therein, and
discouraging the settlement of British subjects in that wide extended country;
thus, by the influence of civil principles and ancient prejudices, to dispose
the inhabitants to act with hostility against the free Protestant colonies,
whenever a wicked ministry shall chuse so to direct them..”
The question of religion
was paramount in the minds of the Delegates. In fact the amount of time that the
Continental Congress and the United States
in Congress Assembled would spend on resolutions and proclamations encouraging
the practice of the Judeo-Christian religion in forming the United States
is quite remarkable. Although the Articles of Association and later the
Confederation Constitution did not officially sanction Congress to concern
itself with religion, the citizenry, who were soon to be engaged in a War for
Independence, did not object to the open union of church and state. Clearly the
record, as we will demonstrate in the chapters of this book, indicates that 18th
Century Americans encouraged and embraced both Federal and State led
Judeo-Christian activities, resolutions and proclamations. Throughout these
chapters you will discover a sampling of resolutions and proclamations that
prove both the legislators and the public considered it appropriate for the
confederation government to ardently promote a nondenominational
Judeo-Christianity.
In this author’s
opinion the most important piece of legislation passed was the Articles of
Association on October 20th.
We, his
majesty's most loyal subjects, the delegates of the several colonies of
New-Hampshire, Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York,
New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex
on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, and South-Carolina, deputed to
represent them in a continental Congress, held in the city of Philadelphia, on
the 5th day of September, 1774, avowing our allegiance to his majesty, our
affection and regard for our fellow-subjects in Great-Britain and elsewhere,
affected with the deepest anxiety, and most alarming apprehensions, at those
grievances and distresses, with which his Majesty's American subjects are
oppressed; and having taken under our most serious deliberation, the state of
the whole continent, find, that the present unhappy situation of our affairs is
occasioned by a ruinous system of colony administration, adopted by the British
ministry about the year 1763, evidently calculated for enslaving these colonies,
and, with them, the British Empire. In prosecution of which system, various acts
of parliament have been passed, for raising a revenue in America, for depriving
the American subjects, in many instances, of the constitutional trial by jury,
exposing their lives to danger, by directing a new and illegal trial beyond the
seas, for crimes alleged to have been committed in America: And in prosecution
of the same system, several late, cruel, and oppressive acts have been passed,
respecting the town of Boston and the Massachusetts-Bay, and also an act for
extending the province of Quebec, so as to border on the western frontiers of
these colonies, establishing an arbitrary government therein, and discouraging
the settlement of British subjects in that wide extended country; thus, by the
influence of civil principles and ancient prejudices, to dispose the inhabitants
to act with hostility against the free Protestant colonies, whenever a wicked
ministry shall chuse so to direct them.
To obtain
redress of these grievances, which threaten destruction to the lives liberty,
and property of his majesty's subjects, in North-America, we are of opinion,
that a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement,
faithfully adhered to, will prove the most speedy, effectual, and peaceable
measure: And, therefore, we do, for ourselves, and the inhabitants of the
several colonies, whom we represent, firmly agree and associate, under the
sacred ties of virtue, honour and love of our country, as follows:
1.
That from and after the first day of December next, we will not import, into
British America, from Great-Britain or Ireland, any goods, wares, or merchandise
whatsoever, or from any other place, any such goods, wares, or merchandise, as
shall have been exported from Great-Britain or Ireland; nor will we, after that
day, import any East-India tea from any part of the world; nor any molasses,
syrups, paneles, coffee, or pimento, from the British plantations or from
Dominica; nor wines from Madeira, or the Western Islands; nor foreign indigo.
2.
We will neither import nor purchase, any slave imported after the first day of
December next; after which time, we will wholly discontinue the slave trade, and
will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor
sell our commodities or manufactures to those who are concerned in it.
3.
As a non-consumption agreement, strictly adhered to, will be an effectual
security for the observation of the non-importation, we, as above, solemnly
agree and associate, that from this day, we will not purchase or use any tea,
imported on account of the East-India company, or any on which a duty bath been
or shall be paid; and from and after the first day of March next, we will not
purchase or use any East-India tea whatever; nor will we, nor shall any person
for or under us, purchase or use any of those goods, wares, or merchandise, we
have agreed not to import, which we shall know, or have cause to suspect, were
imported after the first day of December, except such as come under the rules
and directions of the tenth article hereafter mentioned.
4.
The earnest desire we have not to injure our fellow-subjects in Great-Britain,
Ireland, or the West-Indies, induces us to suspend a non-exportation, until the
tenth day of September, 1775; at which time, if the said acts and parts of acts
of the British parliament herein after mentioned, ate not repealed, we will not
directly or indirectly, export any merchandise or commodity whatsoever to
Great-Britain, Ireland, or the West-Indies, except rice to Europe.
5.
Such as are merchants, and use the British and Irish trade, will give orders, as
soon as possible, to their factors, agents and correspondents, in Great-Britain
and Ireland, not to ship any goods to them, on any pretence whatsoever, as they
cannot be received in America; and if any merchant, residing in Great-Britain or
Ireland, shall directly or indirectly ship any goods, wares or merchandize, for
America, in order to break the said non-importation agreement, or in any manner
contravene the same, on such unworthy conduct being well attested, it ought to
be made public; and, on the same being so done, we will not, from thenceforth,
have any commercial connexion with such merchant.
6.
That such as are owners of vessels will give positive orders to their captains,
or masters, not to receive on board their vessels any goods prohibited by the
said non-importation agreement, on pain of immediate dismission from their
service.
7.
We will use our utmost endeavours to improve the breed of sheep, and increase
their number to the greatest extent; and to that end, we will kill them as
seldom as may be, especially those of the most profitable kind; nor will we
export any to the West-Indies or elsewhere; and those of us, who are or may
become overstocked with, or can conveniently spare any sheep, will dispose of
them to our neighbours, especially to the poorer sort, on moderate terms.
8.
We will, in our several stations, encourage frugality, economy, and industry,
and promote agriculture, arts and the manufactures of this country, especially
that of wool; and will discountenance and discourage every species of
extravagance and dissipation, especially all horse-racing, and all kinds of
games, cock fighting, exhibitions of shews, plays, and other expensive
diversions and entertainments; and on the death of any relation or friend, none
of us, or any of our families will go into any further mourning-dress, than a
black crepe or ribbon on the arm or hat, for gentlemen, and a black ribbon and
necklace for ladies, and we will discontinue the giving of gloves and scarves at
funerals.
9.
Such as are venders of goods or merchandize will not take advantage of the
scarcity of goods, that may be occasioned by this association, but will sell the
same at the rates we have been respectively accustomed to do, for twelve months
last past. -And if any vender of goods or merchandise shall sell such goods on
higher terms, or shall, in any manner, or by any device whatsoever, violate or
depart from this agreement, no person ought, nor will any of us deal with any
such person, or his or her factor or agent, at any time thereafter, for any
commodity whatever.
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