Message of President James Monroe at the commencement of the first
session of the 18th Congress The Monroe
Doctrine Excerpts:
. . . At the proposal of the Russian
Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a
full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United
States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective
rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this
continent. A similar proposal has been made by His Imperial Majesty to the
Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government
of the United States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of
manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the
friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the best
understanding with his Government. In the discussions to which this interest has
given rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has
been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and
interests of the United States are involved, that
the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have
assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future
colonization by any European powers. . .
It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort was
then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of
those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary
moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the results have been so far very
different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the
globe, with which we have so much intercourse and from which we derive our
origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of
the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty
and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of
the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any
part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights
are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for
our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more
immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened
and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is
essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference
proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments; and to the
defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and
treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and
under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted.
We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between
the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any
attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere
as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies
of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But
with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintain it, and
whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles,
acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing
them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in
any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward
the United States. In the war between those new Governments and Spain we
declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have
adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in
the judgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a
corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their
security.
The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of
this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers
should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to
have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such
interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question in which all
independent powers whose governments differ from theirs are interested, even
those most remote, and surely none of them more so than the United States. Our
policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars
which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the
same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers;
to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to
cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a
frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every
power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those continents
circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that
the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either
continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe
that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own
accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such
interposition in any form with indifference. If we look to the comparative
strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance
from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still
the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in hope
that other powers will pursue the same course. . . .
